Tragedy on the Mediterranean: Part II

Last October, in this very blog, we wrote an article in memory of the lives lost at Lampedusa. Our main point was that the tragedy that occurred on that island’s shores was not only reflected in the hundreds of Eritrean lives lost, but the inability (or perhaps unwillingness) of the Eritrean diaspora to come together and address what had become a systemic crisis. Far too many of our people had died in the trans Mediterranean passage and the dungeons of Sinai. We humbly insisted that the diaspora put politics aside, build on shared interests, and develop a program of action that would offer protection to our vulnerable refugee communities around the world.

Six months later it seems that we have come full circle. Just two weeks ago, amidst a flood of African refugees leaving Libya in search of European shores, a boat capsized killing virtually all of its passengers. It is likely that there were many Eritreans on board. Just a few days later a group of Eritrean and Ethiopian refugees were brutally executed by the terrorist group known as ISIS. The killers videotaped their crimes, and to the horror of our communities, gleefully shared their atrocities with the world.

This double tragedy underscores how little we have achieved since Lampedusa. High-flying international conferences in Cairo and Rome are no substitute for genuine action driven by popular African (and Eritrean) demand. Our refugees remain dispersed throughout North Africa (and Yemen) and vulnerable as ever. At minimum, there are two things we can all agree on. First, host countries should do their utmost to provide refugee protection to Eritreans that are traversing their territory. People have the right to migrant and to seek refugee under international conventions. Most EU countries are signatories to the UN’s 1951 refugee convention and other human rights protections such as the convention against torture. The EU itself has laws, including the Charter of Fundamental Rights that requires compliance with such conventions. International laws dictate that there is no queue for people in need of protection. People have the right to assert their legal rights to seek protection. Although arrival by ship is often dangerous and seemingly unusual, there is nothing illegal about this method of arrival.

Second, it is the moral obligation of the Eritrean diaspora to advocate on behalf of the most vulnerable among us. Unfortunately, with some exceptions, this minimum program – which should unite Eritreans of all political stripes – has not materialized. While we understand that the life and death issues our refugees face in North Africa are difficult to resolve, and that the political divisions that have wreaked havoc on our diaspora communities are wide and deeply felt, but we hoped for more. Crisis should be an opportunity to rebuild the frayed bonds upon which our great country was built.

Refugee Support in Baltimore

EDN can do more to bring attention to the difficult issues of refugee protection, and the ways in which we can unite around a program to promote these shared national interests. We hope to contribute more on these topics in the future. In the meantime, we have focused our efforts on providing support to those that have survived the difficult journey out of Eritrea. Our programming is now concentrated in the Baltimore area, which is home to a large number of very recently arrived Eritrean refugees. The social and economic needs of this community are vast, and only complicated by the trauma many have encountered in the long trek to the United States. Initiatives like this are non-partisan, and we encourage young diasporans interested in the issue of refugee support to contact us. We value collaboration and want to build bridges with those interested in serving their community. It is only together that we can achieve progress.

We would like to conclude this note by extending our heartfelt condolences to the families of those that have recently perished. They are gone but will not be forgotten.